Carnival



Carnival is rarely perceived as a functional device, intended in the past to guaranty man’s survival. However, by keeping many residual forms from the Agrarian Cult, it becomes perhaps the most important conjunct of representative rites, maintaining its controversial appearance in most manifestations, as well as an implicit, or underlying, mythological “inspiration”.


James Ensor, Antuérpia, Musée des Beaux-Arts

Many other rituals, as those from the Summer Solstice, for example, equally conceived on the beginning as human interventional apparatus over divinities’ determination, are still alive today, in spite of having lost their early intention. They became transformed in mere “cultural performances”, acquiring other purposes, to which practice the knowledge of the original role is dispensable. In their external shape, they proceed, animated by inertia or automatism, as it commonly happens with other forms of behaviour.


Carnival parade of Angra students

Although this definition of a “behaviour performed by habit” hardly adjusts to Carnival practices, they however are, at the present time, isolated from the mythological past of their initial motivation. Empty from the intentions which framed its origins, the impulse, thousands of years old, which have connected these practices to the agrarian mythology, apparently disappeared. It seems that this particular way of thinking cannot be detectable on the manifest content of the actual performances. Nonetheless residual forms from the initial believe system seem to rest implicit.


Carnival parade of Angra students
As manifestations from fragmented ideas and memories (probably dwelling on the unconscious and unable to become patent), they may be reinforcing the present practices of the Carnival.


Carnival parade of Angra students

But the mere existence of such manifestations, understood as signals from the other initial ones, allow the project of their recovery, pinpointing the remains by establishing possible correlations with the past. This process has been done and some of its results will be presented here.
Once completed this process allows a rearrangement of meanings, returning some logic to the entire celebration.

Nature of the rituals

The practices of the Agrarian Cult, as they were historically traced from the European Neolithic, were a conjunct of ritual acts performed under the belief that men could interfere in gods will, in matters like, for example, plants germination and production.


Dancing Hunter Çatal Hüyük c. 5750 B.C

This power was first understood as being allocated in those entities perceived as “gods”, afterwards was thought to be reachable by the kings/gods, and finally by common man (while understood as possessing that capacity, and being capable of becoming purified from “evil”, in the beginning of each sowing period). Thus, as the yearly cycle began to approach springtime, collective purification rituals were performed by these primeval societies with the purpose of preparing themselves to their magical performances of control over nature (regarding the achievement of better crops).


Sorcerer, Trois-Frères, c. 15.000 – 10.000 BC

Being the most important time of the year, it was thought as sacred, due to its importance regarding the survival of the group. Starting on the 1st of March, was marked by several rituals emphasizing separation from the previous, impure (because unproductive) time - the Winter. These rituals, although common to most agrarian societies, do have aspects specific and original from the Indo-European culture, where they were still very active and widespread until XIX century, through the European continent.




At the present time, they may be considered almost extinct, except for some cultural niches. Azorean Archipelago, having received a vast cultural import through the settlers established on the Islands since the middle of the XV century, and profiting from a dominance of agrarian activities in their economy, preserved and even enlarged (with local interpretations) the spirit behind some of these Carnival rituals.




While in other festivities the vestigial forms of the origins are hardly detectable behind the manners today’s reproduced, in what concerns the rituals tied to Carnival, it is possible to distinguish many of its formal aims, specially the two main intentions presiding to the rituals: a) purification of the group, and b) stimulation of plants’ germination. This arrangement follows the information captured from historic documentation, connected to the old tradition, which establishes the passage to the time of renewal (as the Spring time was understood) as having to be preceded by specific rituals, in which man plays a mythical role, myth becoming the nature of the process behind the act.

Historical and Theoretic information

Several authors, dwelling in different sectors of the academic inquire, have been consulted, in the access to the past of the Carnival manifestations.



Carl Jung and Mircea Eliade

Carl Jung (1964/2000), approached the thematic through the collective unconscious and the myth. Mircea Eliade (1970/1977), proposes another advance, also through the myth, but using a more comprehensive path, since he considers the logical-rational perspective, as well as the imaginative-intuitive one, as both enclosed in the process. Due to this theoretical position, consideration for the ontological nature of the production, on the explanation he tries to do about the being, is stressed.


James Frazier

James Frazer (1890/1994) brought to discussion the psychological explanation of the myth, allowing other positions. Fitting his utilization of the concept “cosmic sense”, which he attributes to the cultural European matrix, perceived as divided between the Cult of the Dead and the preoccupation with the practices of stimulation of the vegetation, he considers both dimensions as intrinsically tied not only between themselves, but also to the cosmos.

The mythological explanation seems to concentrate more credibility, not only due to its nature, which aids more resistance against the natural dilapidation of meanings, generally happening with other traditional popular believes, but also due to the coincidence with the meanings found in the existing archaeological information.


Greek notion of the “Evil” (Medusa)

Under a general perspective of the myth, and looking for explanations fitting primitive man, Hoebel (1972, p.551) enlarges the concepts formulated by Frazer and Mannhardt, adding another premise: the “limited energy”. This concept refers to the notion of the need for the human intervention on nature forces, with the objective of its restoration . In other words, Hoebel’s understanding of primitive man includes the sense that man would have thought about natural resources, namely those furnishing “energy”, as being limited and needing constant “transferences” (either from the part of supernatural forces, or gods, or from man himself), in order to restore balances. In his opinion, it would have been this point of view or world perception that gave rise to the entire concept of the mythological system, throughout which these exchanges and balances were processed.
Hoebel’s explanation extends the concept resulting from the first Anthropologists’ research, given the fact that he (Hoebel) presents an “internal motivation”, with the character of an “external imposition”. In contrast with the other hypothesis, this one refers to the consciousness of an implicit menace of life extinction, acting up on the entire mythical system. Under this understanding, the position of primitive man was the one of a compulsive realization of the rituals, with the intention of restoring nature from the lost energy. Without man’s partnership (either as a direct intervenient, or as gods’ intermediate), the phenomenon of the replication of the scarce resources designed to his survival would collapse.
Tied to this dilemma, primitive man would engage himself in rituals and performances, acting as gods substitute.

Although Hoebel was referring to the Cheyen people believes, the same kind of mythical structure is found in European continent in what concerns the restoration of Sun’s energy, during the two Solstices, for example, as well the act of the firstlings or Primitiae (returning the gifts of fruits to the Earth – its natural owner)


Beyond the mythological perspective

Other factors could be added to the list of those influencing positively the persistence of the Carnival practices. Jacques Heers (1987) Professor of Medieval European History at the Surbone, finds good arguments testifying the sociological functions of the Carnival (external to the mythical rationale), on that specific time and context (Medieval Ages). These facts would respond to the question of Carnival’s survival outside its formal origins. Also, following Turner’s (1974) theory, one fact that could positively affect the survival of these practices could be the nature of the ritual, which is self-supportive. Subsequent to Turner’s idea, the fact of utilizing gesture and symbolic languages in ritual, in place of verbal communication, would bring more guaranties of values’ survival. On today’s world, specially on the Eastern Civilization, in spite of the change happening to the conceptual paradigm in which Carnival was based, and whatever model is performed, it maintains great part of the potential original stimulus. Being held in rural or urban environments, Carnival maintains the same enthusiasm, preserving most of the structural elements from its origins, as well as the spirit (although not the former intentions!). This happens more directly on the societies tied to the rural world and to the agrarian calendar, which involuntarily reproduce most of its original meanings. This is not the case on the urban and industrial societies, where the connection to earth’s rhythms is more problematic. Thus, this project based on the intended rediscovery of the mythological meaning behind the Carnival practices is facilitated through the information collected on rituals and other traditional festivities, most of them maintained rigorously on its temporal frames.

Returning to the mythological Hypothesis

The lines of explanation through the mythological perspective present the phenomenon as belonging to the category of the rituals celebrating several important epochs, as the fertile periods, the stimulation of the plants germination, the exorcism of evil attributed to the malefic spirits, all seen as derived from the withdraw of Earth from the Sun.
This line suggests that the celebrations corresponding to these characteristics are structured by the cosmological mega-myth which encompasses all European cultures (specially the North ones), resting implicit on the meanings beyond each of these celebrations, retained as a mere substrate, on the present cultural manifestations.

Pilbeam (1970/1973, p.115/125) mentions that the nature of the persistence shown by these rituals (now seen as cultural performances) may be studied through the differences existing between South and North Europe, the last one preserving a more evident mark, due to the aggressive conditions found by populations during glacial periods.
Classified as pagans by the Catholic Church and almost eradicated, these believes and practices remain verifiable (Van Gennep, 1924), for the reason that they are based in archetypes/myths profoundly implanted on the unconscious. Such a situation, of an hidden reality, continually pressing a way to allow its communication with the other dimensions of the being, may cause a state of emotional instability, negative to societies growth process.

Testing the hypothesis

The remaining celebrations (previously, rituals) when confronted with the existing historical information, become objects of study designed to the recapture of the original meaning, which could be synthesised (in this case, referring to Carnival in the Azores) in two lines of activities: a) purification of the group, and b) stimulation of plants’ germination.

a) Purification rituals



Giotto - Exorcism of the devils in Arezzo
The need for the purification of the social group, regarded as a preparation for the entrance into the new agrarian year, was based in the general principle that man could interfere with nature forces, as long as he could achieve a state of “pureness” or lack of contamination by evil.
The purification purpose leaded to the generation of specific rituals, serving the individual and the group. Purification could be obtained through sacrifice, in both cases. The tradition related to the performing of these sacrifices just before springtime is so ingrained in custom that, unable of rub it out, Catholic Church has placed within this same time of the year many symbolic rituals that reflect this understanding, such as fasting and abstinence, for example, among others.

The Azores, being receptive to the permanence of these memories, discriminate among them, having in some islands more emphasis placed on the rituals of sacrifice (leading to purification), while others prefer the rituals related to the stimulation. For example, the population of S. Miguel Island shows a preference for the reparation rituals, as exemplified by the intense practice of ceremonies and rituals involved in Santo Cristo dos Milagres (including physically difficult and painful performances)


Giotto - Exorcism of the devils in Arezzo

and the tradition of the Pilgrimage of the Romeiros, which crusades the island, walking for about eight consecutive days, praying for forgiveness (their own and the entire population).




These examples can be classified under both the “individual” and the “social” categories.

Purification of the group could also be obtained through the sacrifice of a scapegoat (congregating all the sins of the society), filled now, not only by Catholic rituals of the Passion Week (the death of Christ), but also by several others, explained further on.




The sacrifice of a scapegoat, or some one who could become responsible for all evil deeds performed during the year, was one of the usual and necessary steps to facilitate the purification, needed to accept interference in plants germination.
In what concerns the Catholic occupation of this time, the solemnization of the suffering and death of Christ, who embodies the scapegoat role, is well documented all over the Azores, with different kinds of rituals happening throughout villages and towns. Inflicting suffering upon oneself was also considered to be reparation for evils committed, since sacrifice was, and still is, understood as a form of purification. The priests would encourage voluntarily refusing enjoyment of simple goods as, for example, the use of sugar, as well as the view of movies or other entertainments.


Francisco de Goya, The Tribunal of the Inquisition

Lévi-Strauss and Durkheim both stressed the importance of avoidance rites in their discussion of the passage from the profane time to the sacred. Sexual abstinence and/or fasting, physical prohibitions, inflicted pain and wounds, as well as symbolic communion with the divine, pointed by Mauss (1899/1968) and Durkheim (1912), are also examples of behaviour understood as having the capacity of preparing man to the role of the gods, interfering with the germination and growth of the plants.

This was the meaning of the passage from the profane time of Winter to the sacred time of Spring, when the miracle of the germination of the plants took over.




In the past, the King acting as a God symbolized the power to turn productive any nature forces. When old, and to prevent the decay of his fertile powers (acting up on both dominions: vegetable and animal), he would be killed, either symbolically (being substituted) or in reality. He (or an important man from the social group) also acted as a scapegoat, who, at the present time, is mimicked by old vegetation, which is gathered, given the form of a person and then burned;




King Momus parading at Carnival time, or the ‘donkey’ transported by students in Angra, at the end of their Carnival procession, are the present symbols of these characters. The killing of King Momus, or the parade of his coffin, during Carnival time, indicates the presence of the mythological vestiges.
Other manifestations can be seen as having acted on the function of social group purification. From these, the most evident example is the “water battles”, taking place in S. Miguel island, with extreme ferocity. Prepared in great advance, they have the overt purpose of a “cleansing” operation.
Social analysis and public condemnation (through parody), seem to exemplify another strategy applied to rectify social evil. They appear in a ritual ceremony that takes place in Terceira Island.




Lasting for four consecutive days, the ‘Danças’ and ‘Bailinhos de Carnaval’ (Carnival Dances) are theatrical, musical and dance plays, whose content is created to assess and critique aspects from the social life of the past year, with important as well as simple acts being criticized, praised and or condemned, in accordance with established values and mores. Basically, this manifestation is performed in different styles: satirical, dramatic/moralistic and mythical. One or more plays are presented by each village, in a total of about 60, touring the island from the Saturday to the Tuesday (preceding Ash Wednesday), presenting their plays on stages of small societies, where people gather for the occasion, some often spending more than sixteen hours per day in this function.




The content of these plays enclose implied, as well as overt, social criticism, in constant review format, which means, the production of originals each year. At the end of these four days, the effect of all this activity could be considered to be equal to purification or cleansing of the infractions committed during the last year, through their public confession.




These performances of social analysis and critique, together with the other three ritualistic categories of abstinence, sexual deprivation and sacrifice, form a set of rituals whose purpose was the purification of man, renovating his energies for his divine role of life giving. By establishing a boundary between the profane times of the winter, personified in the figure of the King symbolizing death’s Earth, into the sacred time of sowing and birth, represented by Spring, populations could then proceed to their sowing tasks, being certain of success.





b) The stimulation of the plants’ germination

The belief that the energy of the vegetal world could be renovated through humans’ help (as long as they were in a moral ‘pure state’), explains the emphasis placed in the erotic nature of Carnival rituals. Through the magic of imitation, genesic energy produced through these festivities would be transferred to plants. To increase this state of eroticism, several strategies were followed in the past, and are still visible in today’s performances.




In the Azores, parts of these Carnival traditions, believes and practices, resulting from old European folklore transferred to the islands, are exemplified by several unusual events. In what concerns the period of sexual segregation, for example, it is still manifested through “avoidance rituals” performed just before Lent. On some Islands, Carnival season opens with four weeks of symbolic separation of sexes, each week reserved for one socially and sexually differentiated group: ‘Amigos’ are first, and second ‘Amigas’ (friends), followed by ‘Compadres and then ‘Comadres’ (Godparents), each separate group formed annually only for this occasion and, apparently, for no other reason than to gather and assert membership in the respective group. For some one visiting the islands in this occasion (the four Thursdays just before Carnival) it looks strange to see these enormous groups of just women or men, gathering for lunch in a restaurant.

Another ritual valuing fertility is expressed through the expulsion of infertility as represented by the old. This takes another form in Terceira Island through the humorous songs known as ‘Velhas’ (Old Women).


Typical vestment from Terceira island

The gratuity of the obscene words and the erotic nature of the songs are notorious and fall into the category of rituals like the Greek women used to perform in the fields, pronouncing obscenities and undressing, with the purpose of provoking Zeus semen (rain) to fall in the crops, starting their germination.



Other expressions of the sexual separation, by stressing the formation of just masculine or feminine groups, are represented by the ‘Cornutes Procession’ on the Islands of, Pico, São Jorge, Faial and Flores, and the masquerades in the village of Ribeirinha, on Terceira Island, where boys act at night to frighten girls, knocking on their windows and making much noise, among others.

These acts, which maintain the spirit of the function of sexual separation, are part of a strategy followed afterwards by the exaggerated sexual permissiveness of the Carnival festivities, which pretend to give emphasis to the role and influence of human sexuality in the fertilization of plants and vegetation. Following Hoebel’s logic, these acts would be a manifestation of the “limited energy” concept, explaining the traditional separation at this time of the year as intended to save all potentiality to the sexual acts which followed, as transfers of genesic energy to the plants.

The so called “Brazilian model” of Carnival is the most well known evidence of the stimulating strategy for these or other purposes.


Conclusion

The belief that the energy of the vegetal world could be renovated through humans’ help (as long as they were in a moral ‘pure state’), explains the emphasis placed in the erotic nature of Carnival rituals. Through the magic of imitation, genesic energy produced through these festivities would be transferred to plants. To increase this state of eroticism, several strategies were followed in the past, and are still visible in today’s performances.
In the Azores, parts of these Carnival traditions, believes and practices, resulting from old European folklore transferred to the islands, are exemplified by several unusual events. In what concerns the period of sexual segregation, for example, it is still manifested through “avoidance rituals” performed just before Lent. On some Islands, Carnival season opens with four weeks of symbolic separation of sexes, each week reserved for one socially and sexually differentiated group: ‘Amigos’ are first, and second ‘Amigas’ (friends), followed by ‘Compadres and then ‘Comadres’ (Godparents), each separate group formed annually only for this occasion and, apparently, for no other reason than to gather and assert membership in the respective group. For some one visiting the islands in this occasion (the four Thursdays just before Carnival) it looks strange to see these enormous groups of just women or men, gathering for lunch in a restaurant.

Another ritual valuing fertility is expressed through the expulsion of infertility as represented by the old. This takes another form in Terceira Island through the humorous songs known as ‘Velhas’ (Old Women). The gratuity of the obscene words and the erotic nature of the songs are notorious and fall into the category of rituals like the Greek women used to perform in the fields, pronouncing obscenities and undressing, with the purpose of provoking Zeus semen (rain) to fall in the crops, starting their germination.

Other expressions of the sexual separation, by stressing the formation of just masculine or feminine groups, are represented by the ‘Cornutes Procession’ on the Islands of, Pico, São Jorge, Faial and Flores, and the masquerades in the village of Ribeirinha, on Terceira Island, where boys act at night to frighten girls, knocking on their windows and making much noise, among others.
These acts, which maintain the spirit of the function of sexual separation, are part of a strategy followed afterwards by the exaggerated sexual permissiveness of the Carnival festivities, which pretend to give emphasis to the role and influence of human sexuality in the fertilization of plants and vegetation. Following Hoebel’s logic, these acts would be a manifestation of the “limited energy” concept, explaining the traditional separation at this time of the year as intended to save all potentiality to the sexual acts which followed, as transfers of genesic energy to the plants.

The so called “Brazilian model” of Carnival is the most well known evidence of the stimulating strategy for these or other purposes.


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